Paetongtarn Shinawatra: “If you ask me whether I’m worried, I am...”

Thailand’s Constitutional Court has voted unanimously to accept a petition by thirty-six senators that accuses Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra of breaching ethical standards. The court also voted, by a 7–2 majority, to suspend Paetongtarn from office during its investigation. The petition was provoked by a leaked recording of Paetongtarn’s phone call to former Cambodian PM Hun Sen, in which the Thai leader seemed to side with Cambodia against her own military.

At a press conference yesterday, before the court voted to accept the petition against her, Paetongtarn said: “If you ask me whether I’m worried, I am.” She has good reason to be, as less than a year ago another group of senators successfully petitioned the Constitutional Court to dismiss her predecessor, Srettha Thavisin. Paetongtarn’s aunt Yingluck was also dismissed by the Constitutional Court, as were Samak Sundaravej and Somchai Wongsawat.

Apart from their run-ins with the court, there’s another connection between Paetongtarn, Srettha, Yingluck, Samak, and Somchai: they were all chosen as PM by Thaksin Shinawatra, who was barred from politics by the Constitutional Court in 2007. In fact, today’s announcement came the day after Thaksin attended the Criminal Court for a pre-trial hearing related to his lèse-majesté prosecution, so Thaksin and his daughter Paetongtarn now both have active legal cases against them.

In Thai politics over the last two decades, the same cycle has played out several times:

1. A prime minister makes an error of judgement.
2. This triggers street protests in Bangkok.
3. The protests escalate, disrupting an election.
4. This leads to political stalemate.
5. This establishes the conditions for a coup.
6. The military overthrows the government.

This process happened in 2006, when Thaksin sold his stake in Shin Corp., sparking the yellow-shirt protests that resulted in a coup. It was repeated in 2014, when protests against Yingluck’s political amnesty policy provoked another coup.

There are already signs that the cycle is beginning again, and anti-Shinawatra protest leaders are preparing to follow the same playbook. The Hun Sen phone call prompted a rally of more than 20,000 nationalist protesters at Victory Monument on 28th June, calling for Paetongtarn’s removal from office, and — if the past is any indicator — they’re likely to achieve their goal.

Glastonbury Festival 2025

In the UK, Avon and Somerset Police are investigating the punk duo Bob Vylan after their performance at the Glastonbury Festival yesterday. Bobby Vylan, the group’s front man, led the crowd in a chant of “death, death to the IDF”, a reference to the Israel Defense Forces. The police issued a statement on social media: “Video evidence will be assessed by officers to determine whether any offences may have been committed that would require a criminal investigation.”

Police are also examining video of the Irish rap group Kneecap’s performance at Glastonbury on the same day. On stage, Móglaí Bap called for fans to “start a riot” outside court when his fellow band member Mo Chara’s trial on terrorism charges begins. (A few minutes later, after realising that his comments could be construed as an incitement to violence, he explained that he wasn’t literally asking people to riot.)

Taklee Genesis

“Make sure we’re not forgotten.”
— Taklee Genesis

Chookiat Sakveerakul’s Taklee Genesis (ตาคลี เจเนซิส) will be shown at the Thai Film Archive in Salaya on 14th and 23rd July, as part of the พระเจ้าช้างเผือกและหนังเพื่อสันติภาพอื่นๆ (‘The King of the White Elephant and other peace films’) season. Taklee Genesis features time travel, dinosaurs, kaiju monsters, zombies, cavemen, the Cold War, a dystopian future, and the 6th October 1976 massacre at Thammasat University, all woven together into an ambitious sci-fi epic.

In a prologue that takes place in May 1992 (an unspoken reference to ‘Black May’), a young girl witnesses “dead bodies falling from the sky.” These are students who died during the Thammasat tragedy, their bodies teleported by the Taklee Genesis device, a time machine that can create alternate realities. As one character says: “Taklee Genesis was used to cover up a massacre.”

When the girl, Stella, grows up, she learns that her father was a CIA agent involved in the development of the Taklee Genesis. One of the project’s test subjects, Lawan, was transformed into a forest-dwelling spirit, like the monkey ghost in Uncle Boonmee Who Can Recall His Past Lives (ลุงบุญมีระลึกชาติ), another supernatural personification of the legacy of the Cold War.

Stella and her friend Kong use the Taklee Genesis to travel back in time to Thammasat on 6th October 1976, after Kong discovers that he is one of the massacre victims who fell from the sky. Chookiat recreates the violence of that day, showing Red Gaur militiamen gunning down students. A young boy stands alone on a balcony laughing at the carnage, in a reference to a smiling onlooker in a photograph by Neal Ulevich. (The artist Khai Maew created a model of the child, which he called Happy Boy.)

Thanks to the Taklee Genesis, Kong has the chance to fight back against the vigilantes who have stormed the campus. This fantasy scenario, in which a Thammasat victim is given the agency to tackle his potential killers, is similar to the alternate history narrative in Preecha Raksorn’s comic strip Once Upon a Time at..., in which the victim in Ulevich’s photograph escapes from his assailant.

Discussion of the Thammasat massacre was suppressed for years, not by the fictional Taklee Genesis device, but instead by successive military governments. Today, it’s primarily through photographs of the event, particularly the famous image by Ulevich, that the incident is remembered. In one of the film’s most powerful moments, Kong takes a roll of film from the camera of his Thammasat classmate and gives it to Stella, telling her: “Make sure we’re not forgotten.”

The Thammasat massacre is a notorious incident in Thailand’s modern history, though it has rarely been represented on screen. The 6th October scenes in Taklee Genesis are almost unprecedented: the only previous attempt to dramatise the brutality of the event was in the horror film Haunted Universities (มหาลัยสยองขวัญ), which was cut by the Thai film censors.

Doc Talk 05 Boundary

Doc Club’s Doc Talk series of discussions with documentary filmmakers continues next month with its fifth installment: Nontawat Numbenchapol’s controversial documentary Boundary (ฟ้าต่ำแผ่นดินสูง). The film will be shown at Thammasat University’s College of Innovation on 18th July, and Nontawat will take part in a Q&A after the screening.

Boundary documents the 2008 conflict between Thailand and Cambodia when the disputed Preah Vihear Temple was exploited for nationalist political gain. The issue was so sensitive that the director couldn’t even reveal his identity while filming at the temple. As he told me in an interview for Thai Cinema Uncensored: “I could not tell anyone in Cambodia that I’m Thai, because it would be hard to shoot. I had to tell everybody I’m Chinese-American... My name was Thomas in Cambodia.”

Boundary is composed largely of silent, still sequences depicting the serenity of rural life, as a counterpoint to the fierce border dispute surrounding the temple. Nontawat begins by interviewing Aod, a young soldier, in his home village. Idyllic sequences of novice monks bathing and Aod’s father fishing are contrasted with Aod describing his military conscription and the army’s crackdown against red-shirt protesters in 2010.

After footage of the Thai military firing at their Cambodian counterparts near Preah Vihear, we see damage to houses and a school close to the temple, caused by bombs and gunfire from Cambodian troops. Finally, at the end of the film, Nontawat’s camera explores the temple itself, the ruined Khmer compound that has been the subject of such bloodshed and ultra-nationalism.

Next month’s screening is especially timely, as another border dispute between Thailand and Cambodia is currently taking place. At a time when the Cambodian government is inflaming tensions, and nationalist groups in Thailand are exploiting the political crisis, Boundary represents a plea for de-escalation on both sides, and a reminder of the dangers of history repeating itself.

The film was previously shown at Lido Connect and Warehouse 30 in Bangkok in 2019, and its most recent screening was at the Thai Film Archive in Salaya earlier this year. It has been subject to censorship twice: it was cut before its theatrical release in 2013, and a screening in Chonburi was prohibited by the military in 2015. (Thai Cinema Uncensored discusses the censorship history of Boundary in much more detail.)

Hungry for Freedom

“Do we really have to starve to death, before we get bail?”
— Netiporn Sanesangkhom

Rachata Thongruay’s documentary Hungry for Freedom, a profile of political prisoners Netiporn Sanesangkhom and Nutthanit Duangmusit, will be shown at Artcade in Phayao on 28th July. The event, ความสูญเสียในโลกที่ไม่เคยหยุดเจ็บ (‘loss in a world that never stops hurting’), marks the closing of the Phayao Through Poster exhibition, and Nutthanit will take part in a Q&A after the screening.

Netiporn died of cardiac arrest last year, after going on a prolonged hunger strike to protest against the jailing of political protesters. A leader of the Thalu Wang protest group, she had been charged with lèse-majesté, and was released on bail only after a previous hunger strike of sixty-four days.

Rachata interviewed Netiporn and Nutthanit while they were out on bail after their initial hunger strike. Netiporn tells him: “I thought... do we really have to starve to death, before we get bail?” The film has had two previous Thai screenings: last year at Thammasat University’s Rangsit campus, and earlier this year at Bangkok Art and Culture Centre during the Remembering Her, Remember Us (“บุ้ง เนติพร” วันที่เธอหายไป) event.

“Opposition to the Thai government, such as the 2nd Army Region commander...”

A leaked recording of a phone call between Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra and former Cambodian leader Hun Sen is putting Paetongtarn under intense pressure. During the conversation, she criticised Boonsin Padklang, a regional military commander: “As for the opposition to the Thai government, such as the 2nd Army Region commander, he could say anything that doesn’t benefit the country — anything just to make himself look cool”.

There is an active border dispute between Thailand and Cambodia, and Boonsin commands troops in Thailand’s northeastern region, which includes the Thai–Cambodia border. In the phone call, Paetongtarn appears to side with Cambodia against her own military, and seems to accept Cambodia’s conditions to resolve the dispute. This doesn’t bode well for Pheu Thai, considering the military’s history of political interventions and the prominent nationalist sentiment in Thailand — a new alliance of yellow-shirt and disaffected red-shirt protesters, including รวมพลังแผ่นดิน (‘unite the land’) and the Thailand Watch Foundation, have called for a rally on 28th June at Victory Monument.

The call took place on 15th June. A nine-minute extract was leaked online yesterday, and the Cambodian government then released the complete seventeen-minute recording. Anutin Charnvirakul has used the controversy as a pretext to withdraw his Bhumjaithai party from the coalition government. (Bhumjaithai joined the coalition in 2023. There had already been credible rumours that Anutin would quit, as he was likely to be replaced as Minister of the Interior in an upcoming cabinet reshuffle.)

A previous government, also backed by Paetongtarn’s father Thaksin, faced similar accusations of disloyalty in 2008 over another territorial dispute with Cambodia. At that time, People Power Party foreign minister Noppadon Pattama endorsed Cambodia’s ownership of the Preah Vihear Temple, and was forced to resign after the Constitutional Court ruled that he had acted unanimously.

Rewind: A Brief History of Leaked Tapes

In 2013, Thaksin himself was caught out by a leaked recording of his private conversation with Yuthasak Sasiprapha, who was deputy defence minister at the time. (It became known as the ‘cordyceps tape’, as the two men discussed the health benefits of eating this fungus.) Neither Thaksin nor Yuthasak has confirmed that the recording is genuine, though it’s widely believed to be authentic. It was broadcast by ASTV, and a transcript appears in Wad Rawee’s book Old Soldiers Never Die, Old Royalists Die (โอลด์รอยัลลิสต์ดาย).

Last year, in leaked audio of a conversation between Palang Pracharath Party leader Prawit Wongsuwon and an unidentified man, Prawit could be heard complaining that he had not yet become prime minister: “I want the people to give me a chance to be the number one.” Former PM Abhisit Vejjajiva was the victim of a fake audio clip in 2009: in the recording, he appeared to call for the suppression of red-shirt demonstrators “using all forms of violence”, though the tape was later revealed to be a hoax.

In the US and UK, there have been some notorious leaked recordings of private conversations. The most consequential of all was the ‘smoking gun’ tape that led to Richard Nixon’s resignation in 1974. British tabloids reported on the so-called ‘Camillagate’, ‘Dianagate’, ‘bastardgate’, and ‘Majorgate’ tapes in the early 1990s and, a few years later, Linda Tripp’s surreptitious tapes of her phone calls with Monica Lewinsky were used as evidence of Lewinsky’s affair with Bill Clinton.

Two of the biggest scandals of US President Donald Trump’s first term were related to leaked conversations. American presidential elections are often preceded by an ‘October surprise’ — a last-minute revelation — and one of 2016’s October surprises was the infamous recording of Trump boasting to TV anchor Billy Bush about groping women: “Grab ’em by the pussy.” Trump was impeached in 2020 after a transcript of his phone call to President Zelensky of Ukraine showed that he had tried to pressure Zelensky into digging up dirt on Joe Biden in exchange for military aid (“I would like you to do us a favour, though”).

Ghosts: Confronting the Dead in Thailand

Ulf Svane and Paul McBain’s new documentary Ghosts: Confronting the Dead in Thailand includes an interview with Thongchai Winichakul filmed at Thammasat University. Dozens of students at Thammasat were killed on 6th October 1976, and Thongchai is Thailand’s foremost authority on the history of that brutal event. (He has written about it extensively, including in his English-language book Moments of Silence.)

In the documentary, Thongchai discusses Thammasat’s notorious ‘red elevator’, which — according to legend — is haunted by victims of the 1976 attack. There are unlikely to be genuine apparitions haunting the lift, though such tales of ghosts are a reminder of the spectre of history: Thongchai stresses the need to “confront the ghost, or talk about the ghost”, in order to come to terms with traumatic historical events.

Ghosts is the latest of more than fifty films that refer to 6th October 1976. Previously, the Thammasat elevator inspired the horror film Haunted Universities (มหาลัยสยองขวัญ), which was censored to remove dramatisations of the violence that took place on that day. Also, a photograph of the elevator doors, titled Half Day Closing, was part of filmmaker Taiki Sakpisit’s exhibition Dark Was the Night (ผีพุ่งไต้).

It’s about Time:Performing between the Past and Tomorrow in Chulayarnnon Siriphol’s I a Pixel, We the People

Chulayarnnon Siriphol’s exhibition I a Pixel, We the People (ข้าพเจ้าคือพิกเซล, พวกเราคือประชาชน) will close later this month, and the artist took part in a Q&A session with Sam I-shan at BangkokCityCity Gallery yesterday. The event was titled It’s about Time: Performing between the Past and Tomorrow in Chulayarnnon Siriphol’s I a Pixel, We the People, named after an essay on Chulayarnnon’s work published by the gallery.

Chulayarnnon spoke about the two phases of his artistic career. His early short films were more personal, whereas his work became more overtly political following the Ratchaprasong crackdown in 2010: “it quite changed my life when the Thailand political crisis came, about 2010”. This aligns him with the “Post-Ratchaprasong art” movement identified by the journal Read (อ่าน; vol. 3, no. 2), and he made a similar comment in an interview for Thai Cinema Uncensored, explaining when he “turned to be interested in the political situation.”

In the Q&A, Chulayarnnon also discussed the consequences of the political climate for artists: “self-censorship is still existing: for me, sometimes I did that.” He contrasted the student protests of 2020 and 2021 — when Thai artists were more blunt in their political satire — with the current atmosphere: “for now, we need thought-provoking [art], but no need to be hardcore”. He also highlighted the threats that “hardcore” artists face: “I don’t want to be in jail, but I respect them.”

Sam I-shan’s essay booklet is twenty-four pages long, and has been published in a limited edition of twenty-four copies (each with a unique cover photos), reflecting the twenty-four-hour duration of Chulayarnnon’s video installation. The author identifies subtle political metaphors in the exhibition: she notes that the day-long running time “might parallel the cyclical nature of Thai politics,” and she argues that the piles of clothes in the gallery space “stand for all people disenfranchised by... Thailand’s political system, with some of these bodies literally absent, having been imprisoned, exiled, disappeared or killed.”

Pain(t)ing

Today is the final day of the Pain(t)ing thesis exhibition at Bangkok Art and Culture Centre, featuring work by students from the Poh-Chang Academy of Arts. The exhibition opened on 27th May.

One of the highlights is Narissara Duangkhun’s No War but the Class War no. 4, a satirical commentary on contemporary Thai politics. The painting includes a depiction of a Reuters photograph taken thirty years ago during the notorious Tak Bai incident in 2004. Narissara’s work resembles that of Navin Rawanchaikul (albeit on a smaller scale), with its dense, brightly coloured collage of wide-ranging visual references. Her painting also features a slot machine displaying ‘112’, a reference to the lèse-majesté law, which is article 112 of the Thai criminal code.

SpotlightSpy in the IRA

A jury at the High Court in Dublin has awarded Gerry Adams €100,000 in damages after a month-long libel trial. Adams had sued the BBC over its documentary Spy in the IRA, in which an anonymous source — identified only by the first name Martin — accused Adams of authorising the IRA’s killing of Denis Donaldson in 2006.

In the programme, reporter Jennifer O’Leary said: “Martin believes that the shooting of Denis Donaldson was sanctioned by the man at the top of the republican movement, Gerry Adams.” When O’Leary asked Martin, “Who are you specifically referring to?”, he answered: “Gerry Adams. He gives the final say.” The programme followed this reply with a disclaimer stating that Adams insisted he “had no knowledge of, and no involvement whatsoever, in Denis Donaldson’s killing.”

Spy in the IRA, an episode in the investigative series Spotlight, was broadcast on 20th September 2016 on BBC1 in Northern Ireland, and repeated on BBC2 in Northern Ireland the following day. During the libel trial, O’Leary testified that she had corroborated Martin’s claim with five other sources — this suggests responsible, well-informed journalism, not bias. When he gave evidence at the trial, Adams denied under oath ever having been a member of the IRA, though his status as a former senior IRA leader is common knowledge among journalists and historians.

It’s conceivable that some members of the jury were from generations who came of age after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, and have no personal recollection of the era known as ‘the Troubles’, during which Adams was certainly not regarded as a peacemaker. Also, it’s highly likely that Adams benefited from his decision to bring the case in the Republic of Ireland rather than Northern Ireland, to ensure a more sympathetic jury.

Another alleged former IRA member has also launched a libel suit in relation to a different unsolved murder. Marian Price is suing the makers of the TV series Say Nothing, a dramatisation of the IRA’s 1972 abduction and killing of Jean McConville. Although noone has been convicted of McConville’s murder, the drama shows her being shot by Price.

The shooting takes place in Say Nothing’s final episode, titled The People in the Dirt, directed by Michael Lennox. The episode ends with a written disclaimer stating that Price “denies any involvement in the murder of Jean McConville.” The series was released on the Hulu and Disney+ streaming services on 14th November last year.

Yingluck Shinawatra: “10 billion baht is impossible for me to repay...”

Thailand’s Supreme Administrative Court has ordered former prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra to pay ฿10 billion ($300 million) to the Ministry of Finance, in recompense for losses incurred by her government’s rice subsidy policy. The verdict overturns an earlier judgement from the Central Administrative Court, and also seems to contradict a prior ruling by the Supreme Court.

Yesterday’s announcement from the Supreme Administrative Court came on the eleventh anniversary of the coup that deposed Yingluck in 2014. Writing on Facebook, Yingluck challenged the judgement and said: “The debt of 10 billion baht is impossible for me to repay in a lifetime”.

Starting in 2011, Yingluck’s Pheu Thai government bought rice from farmers at up to 50% above the market rate, intending to withhold it from the world market and thus drive up the price. The result, however, was that other countries such as India and Vietnam increased their rice exports, the government was left with vast stockpiles of rice that it could not sell, and therefore it could not pay the farmers for the rice they had supplied.

Charges relating to Yingluck’s role in the rice scheme were originally filed by the National Anti-Corruption Commission in 2014. As a result, she was impeached in 2015, and the Attorney General launched a criminal investigation into charges of dereliction of duty. Ultimately, the Supreme Court sentenced her to five years in prison, though she fled the country before the verdict was announced.

In 2016, the Ministry of Finance ordered Yingluck to repay ฿37.5 billion ($1 billion), though she appealed against that decision and her appeal was granted by the Central Administrative Court on 30th March 2021. That appeal verdict was quashed yesterday by the Supreme Administrative Court, though Yingluck’s fine was reduced to ฿10 billion.

The Supreme Court case related specifically to contracts for rice sales to private Chinese companies, arranged by the Thai Ministry of Commerce, which were falsely designated as non-competitive government-to-government deals. In its 2017 judgement against Yingluck, the Supreme Court ruled that she was aware that the government-to-government deals were fraudulent, though — in contrast to yesterday’s Supreme Administrative Court verdict — it did not hold her personally accountable for the financial losses incurred.

ความรุนแรง (ต้อง) ไม่ลอยนวล (‘violence (must not be) unpunished’)

Next week, artefacts related to political violence will be displayed at Sappaya-Sapasathan, Thailand’s parliament building in Bangkok. The exhibition, ความรุนแรง (ต้อง) ไม่ลอยนวล, has been organised by the parliamentary Committee on Legal Affairs, Justice, and Human Rights. Its title translates as ‘violence (must not be) unpunished’, emphasising the lack of legal consequences for political violence, and the injustice of such impunity.

Items on display will include a ฿100 banknote retrieved from the body of a sixteen-year-old boy, Imron, a victim of the Tak Bai tragedy. Two bloodstained shirts will also be displayed: a red t-shirt worn by Payu Boonsophon (who was blinded in one eye by a rubber bullet while protesting near the APEC summit in 2022), and a white shirt worn by another protester, Sirawith Seritiwat (who was attacked by thugs in 2019). The exhibition will also feature rubber bullet casings and tear gas canisters fired by riot police at Din Daeng in 2021. Most of the artefacts are from the collection of the Museum of Popular History.

The exhibition runs from 19th to 25th May. Imron’s banknote — one of seventeen personal belongings of Tak Bai victims in the collection of the Deep South Museum and Archives — was previously included in the Heard the Unheard (สดับเสียงเงียบ) exhibition in 2023. Last year, the seventeen items were also shown at exhibitions in Bangkok and Narathiwat.

Payu and Sirawith’s shirts were previously part of the Evidences of Resistance [sic] (วัตถุพยานแห่งการต่อต้าน) exhibition at Thammasat University’s Museum of Anthropology, from 20th February to 26th May 2023. Sirawith’s shirt has also been shown at the Murdered Justice (วิสามัญยุติธรรม) and Never Again (หยุด ย่ำ ซ้ำ เดิน) exhibitions.

Evidences of Resistance was held in room 112 of the museum, in a coded reference to the lèse-majesté law, which is article 112 of the Thai criminal code. Similarly, the film Arnold Is a Model Student (อานนเป็นนักเรียนตัวอย่าง) featured a table labelled ‘112’ in a school computer lab. The play Wilderness (รักดงดิบ) included a recipe stating that food should “dry in the sun for 112 hours”. The catalogue for Wittawat Tongkeaw’s exhibition Re/Place cost ฿112, and some of his paintings measure 112cm². Two poetry books — เหมือนบอดใบ้ไพร่ฟ้ามาสุดทาง (‘we subjects, as if mute and blind, have found ourselves at the end of the line’) and ราษฎรที่รักทั้งหลาย (‘dear citizens’) — were each priced ฿112. Elevenfinger’s single Land of Compromise was released at 1:12pm. The documentary 112 News from Heaven features 112 headlines from a 112-day period, and 112 photographic portraits.

Remembering Her, Remember Us

“Do we really have to starve to death, before we get bail?”
— Netiporn Sanesangkhom

Exactly a year ago, Netiporn Sanesangkhom died of cardiac arrest after going on a prolonged hunger strike to protest against the jailing of political protesters. Netiporn — a leader of the Thalu Wang protest group — was charged with lèse-majesté, and had been released on bail only after a previous hunger strike of sixty-four days. Today, on the first anniversary of her death, Netiporn is being commemorated at Remembering Her, Remember Us (“บุ้ง เนติพร” วันที่เธอหายไป), an all-day event at Bangkok Art and Culture Centre.

Rachata Thongruay’s half-hour documentary Hungry for Freedom, about Netiporn and her fellow hunger striker Nutthanit Duangmusit, will be shown as part of the event. Rachata interviewed Netiporn and Nutthanit while they were out on bail after their initial hunger strike. Netiporn tells him: “I thought... do we really have to starve to death, before we get bail?”

This will be the film’s second screening in Thailand; it was previously shown on 10th November 2024 at the House of Wisdom community space on Thammasat University’s Rangsit campus. A large portrait of Netiporn was included in last year’s Murdered Justice (วิสามัญยุติธรรม) exhibition, held at BACC just a week after her death.

Netiporn and Nutthanit conducted public opinion polls, asking people to vote with coloured stickers whether they supported or opposed lèse-majesté prosecutions. It was this activity that resulted in lèse-majesté charges against the pair, though two of their sticker boards are on display at Remembering Her, Remember Us. (Murdered Justice featured a similarly controversial exhibit: the t-shirt worn by Tiwagorn Withiton that led to lèse-majesté charges against him.)

Hungry for Freedom is one of several documentaries that focus on individual protesters. We Need to Talk About อานนท์ (‘we need to talk about Arnon’) and The Letter from Silence (จดหมายจากความเงียบ), both released last year, are about Arnon Nampa. The Cost of Freedom — which was screened in New York in 2023, but has not yet been shown in Thailand — is about Panusaya Sithjirawattanakul.

ย้อนรอยแผลเป็น 6 ตุลา(‘retracing the scars of 6th Oct.’)

A display of items related to the 6th October 1976 massacre of students at Thammasat University opened at Thammasat’s Museum of Anthropology on 25th April, and runs until 30th August. The exhibition, ย้อนรอยแผลเป็น 6 ตุลา (‘retracing the scars of 6th Oct.’), is a scaled-down version of ก่อนจะถึงรุ่งสาง 6 ตุลา (‘before the dawn of 6th Oct.’), held at Thammasat last year. Both events were organised by the Museum of Popular History.

The current exhibition includes Hangman, a painted silhouette of a hanged student, displayed alongside a list of the names of the massacre victims. It also features the contents of the กล่องฟ้าสาง (‘box of dawn’), a ‘museum in a box’ released in 2021.

“The most controversial band in the UK...”

London’s Metropolitan Police are investigating the Irish rap group Kneecap after the band appeared to incite violence and endorse terrorist groups at two of their London concerts. Yesterday, The Guardian described Kneecap as “the most controversial band in the UK”.

On 29th November 2023, during a gig at the Electric Ballroom, band member Mo Chara told the crowd: “The only good Tory is a dead Tory. Kill your local MP.” (Chara has not been identified by name in other reports about the controversy.) On 21st November 2024, at the O2 Forum Kentish Town during the band’s final show on their Fine Art Tour, Chara said: “Up Hamas! Up Hezbollah!” (Chara was draped in the Hezbollah flag at the time.)

The Met issued a statement on 1st May after videos of the two concerts were shared online: “Both videos were referred to the Counter Terrorism Internet Referral Unit for assessment by specialist officers, who have determined there are grounds for further investigation into potential offences linked to both videos. The investigation is now being carried out by officers from the Met’s Counter Terrorism Command and inquiries remain ongoing at this time.”

“Publishers are not liable for honest mistakes...”

A jury has found that The New York Times did not defame Sarah Palin when it published an editorial on 14th June 2017. Palin had sued the newspaper for libel over a sentence in the editorial falsely implying that her campaign had encouraged the 2011 shooting of fellow politician Gabby Giffords: “Before the shooting, Sarah Palin’s political action committee circulated a map of targeted electoral districts that put Ms. Giffords and 19 other Democrats under stylized cross hairs.”

The newspaper had swiftly apologised for the editorial — “We got an important fact wrong, incorrectly linking political incitement and the 2011 shooting of Giffords” — and inserted a clarification into the online version of the article the day after its original publication: “no connection to the shooting was ever established.” The initial libel case ended on 15th February 2022, when a jury concluded that the editorial was not defamatory.

Palin appealed against that verdict, and she was granted a retrial on 28th August last year. Yesterday, the week-long retrial ended with a different jury reaching the same conclusion, that the newspaper did not intentionally defame Palin. After yesterday’s verdict, New York Times spokesperson Danielle Rhoades Ha said: “The decision reaffirms an important tenet of American law: publishers are not liable for honest mistakes.”

The Shattered Worlds: Micro Narratives from the Ho Chi Minh Trail to the Great Steppe

The group exhibition The Shattered Worlds: Micro Narratives from the Ho Chi Minh Trail to the Great Steppe (โลกร้าว เรื่องเล่าขนาดย่อมจากเส้นทางโฮจิมินห์ถึงทุ่งหญ้าสเต็ปป์) opened on 3rd April, and runs until 6th July. The exhibition is split between three venues, though the majority of the pieces are on show at Bangkok Art and Culture Centre.

Chulayarnnon Siriphol’s video triptych No More Hero in His Story, part of his Red Eagle Sangmorakot (อินทรีแดง แสงมรกตะ) installation, features the return of his saffron-robed monk wearing an incongruous motorcycle helmet. The character has previously appeared in Chulayarnnon’s short film Monk and Motorcycle Taxi Rider, and in his segment of the portmanteau film Ten Years Thailand. (Chulayarnnon discussed his depiction of monks in an interview for Thai Cinema Uncensored.)

For his installation The Tower of Bubbles, Thasnai Sethaseree created collages of published texts and photographs related to political violence, which he then painted over, almost — but not quite — obscuring them from view. He has used this technique before, covering newspaper pages with brightly coloured paint in works shown at the Dismantle (ปลด) and Cold War exhibitions. A large slogan painted onto the BACC’s wall, “WHAT YOU DON’T SEE WILL HURT YOU”, makes the point that the historical atrocities overpainted by Thasnai may be hidden from sight, but they still have the potential to reoccur.

Red’s Objects Dialogue

Almost exactly fifteen years ago, on 10th April 2010, the Thai military opened fire on pro-democracy red-shirt protesters in Bangkok. The Museum of Popular History is commemorating the anniversary of the crackdown with an exhibition of red-shirt memorabilia, which opened on 29th March at the Kinjai Contemporary gallery in Bangkok.

The exhibition, Red’s Objects Dialogue (เสื้อตัวนี้สีแดง), runs until 10th April, the date on which the army launched their assault. Red’s Objects Dialogue has been conceived as an interactive exhibition, with visitors encouraged to share any memories of the protests prompted by the items on display (including an impressive collection of hand-clappers, t-shirts, and VCDs).

Red’s Objects Dialogue includes several notorious items that were banned by previous governments: calendars issued in 2016 and 2019 by Thaksin and Yingluck Shinawatra, flip-flops featuring images of Abhisit Vejajjiva and Suthep Thaugsuban, and a Pheu Thai promotional water bowl. The bowl and calendars were previously displayed at the Never Again (หยุด) exhibition in 2019. One of the most intriguing exhibits is a transistor radio (a generic design, sold in Thailand as a Tanin TF-268) which has been rebranded a “RED RADIO”.

The tragic events of 10th April 2010 have also been commemorated in several previous exhibitions: Khonkaen Manifesto (ขอนแก่น แมนิเฟสโต้) and Amnesia in 2019, Future Tense in 2022, and 10 April and Beyond last year. They are also referenced in Pisitakun Kuantalaeng’s album Kongkraphan, Pen-ek Ratanaruang’s short film Two Little Soldiers (สาวสะเมิน), and in the poetry collection ลุกไหม้สิ! ซิการ์ (‘burning cigar!’).

A book commemorating the victims of the massacre, วีรชน 10 เมษา (‘heroes of 10th April’) by Ida Aroonwong and Warisa Kittikhunseree, was published in 2011. There are also plans to publish a book based on visitors’ responses to the artefacts on show at Red’s Objects Dialogue. Like the Museum of Popular History, the National Library of Australia also has an archive of red-shirt ephemera.

Naya Bharat (‘new India’)

Indian comedian Kunal Kamra is the subject of a police investigation in the state of Maharashtra after he criticised a politician from the region in his stand-up show Naya Bharat (‘new India’). Kamra performed a few satirical songs during the set, and they appeared with karaoke-style subtitles when he uploaded a video of the show to his YouTube channel on 23rd March. He was charged with defamation on the following day.

The lyrics to one song, a parody of the theme to the Bollywood film Dil To Pagal Hai (‘the heart is crazy’), include the word ‘gaddar’ (‘traitor’), in an oblique reference to politician Eknath Shinde. After footage of the performance circulated online, a mob of Shinde’s supporters ransacked The Habitat, the Mumbai studio where Kamra had recorded the live show. A spokesperson for Shinde’s political party Shiv Sena has called for Kamra’s arrest.

The Habitat was also the venue for another controversial comedy last month, when an episode of the podcast India’s Got Latent was recorded there. A guest on the show, Ranveer Allahbadia, asked a contestant: “Would you rather watch your parents have sex every day for the rest of your life, or would you join in once and stop it forever?” The episode was released on YouTube on 10th February, and multiple police complaints were filed against Allahbadia. India’s Supreme Court described Allahbadia’s question as obscene on 18th February, though it stopped short of filing criminal charges against him.

In a similar case in 2021, Ashutosh Dubey, an adviser to India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, filed a legal complaint against comedian Vir Das in relation to a live performance in Washington D.C. Das recited his poem Two Indias at the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts on 12th November 2021, and uploaded it to YouTube four days later. As he predicted in the words of the poem itself, “I come from an India that will accuse me of airing our dirty laundry”.

Out: How Brexit Got Done and the Tories Were Undone

After All Out War, Fall Out, and No Way Out, Tim Shipman’s final Brexit book, Out: How Brexit Got Done and the Tories Were Undone, was published late last year. His quartet, a definitive account of UK politics since the country voted to leave the EU, tells “the full story of the most explosive period of domestic British politics since the Second World War.”

Out, 900 pages long, is (fortunately) the least Brexity of the four books. Spanning the entire Boris Johnson, Liz Truss, and Rishi Sunak governments, it has the same insider’s access and all-sides coverage that made Shipman’s previous accounts so unique and compelling.

Shipman argues that, for better or worse, Johnson was “the most consequential figure of the period”, having achieved far more than his predecessor: “Theresa May was defined by the things she failed to do, Boris by the things he did — both excellent and execrable.” In an example from the execrable category, Johnson asked the attorney general not to inform ministers that prorogation of parliament may be illegal: “don’t spook the cabinet by talking about the litigation risk.” Shipman calls this “one of the nadirs of Johnson’s premiership.”

Shipman has consistently reported some of the most remarkable pull quotes in recent British politics. In Out, he quotes an unprecedented confrontation between a prime minister (Johnson: “Are you threatening me?”) and a senior adviser (Dominic Cummings: “Yes, I’m fucking threatening you.”) An even more extraordinary quote comes from Elizabeth II, who joked with her staff after Johnson resigned: “at least I won’t have that idiot organising my funeral now.”

Unsurprisingly, Shipman is dismissive of Johnson’s successor: “Liz Truss need not detain us long here.” He cites several Downing Street staff who describe her as “fucking mental”, and one who calls her “psychologically unfit to be prime minister.” (This recalls Alastair Campbell’s description of Gordon Brown’s “psychological flaws”, quoted in Andrew Rawnsley’s Servants of the People.) A secretary “broke down in tears” after Truss rebuked them for bringing her the wrong type of coffee (like Mugatu in Zoolander).

Before introducing Sunak at a 2024 election campaign event, Johnson asked his aides: “Why am I doing this? This guy’s a fucking cunt.” Shipman’s assessment of Sunak is also critical though, of course, more measured: “the lack of a driving political vision gave him no political cover from failures of delivery.”